Monday, April 09, 2007

300 The Movie - A logistical history lesson!

A very interesting movie has just been released in the Australian theatres. "300" is the story of the Greek alliance troops (300 Spartans and a larger number of other Greek soldiers) who immortalised themselves by stalling the much larger Persian army of King Xerxes I at the pass of Thermopylae in 480BC. For two days they fought against a superior force before being defeated on the third day. It is said that as many as 2.5 million soldiers were encamped on the Persian side against a force of between 7,500 to 11,500 soldiers of the Greek alliance on the other side. It is very much a story of a great military strategy, of interpreting the dreams of Delphi and of the political alliances within the Greek speaking city-states.

Why am I writing of this just after the blog about Logistics and Alexander the Great's Army? Quite simply because a study of required logistics to feed and house an army of 2.5 million soldiers, plus as many followers of the army, creates a slightly different picture of what may have happened without changing the essence of the story and its outcomes.

Is it likely there were 2.5 million Persian soldiers at Thermopylae? Just to place the size of the army in context:
• The population of Toronto (2006) was estimated to be 2.5 million people and you can double that number for Greater Toronto.
• The size of the US Army force (excluding other allied forces) in Iraq in 2007 is estimated to be about 150,000 troops (Keegan, 2007).
The actual size of the Persian army has caused a significant amount of discussion as the Wikipedia stub "Size of the Persian Army" (Battle of Thermopylae) indicates. It is worth reading the views of Strecchini (Size of the Persian Army) as well.

The existing discussions take a number of angles to estimating the size of the Persian force. Many contemporary scholars are apparently skeptical of Herodotus (de Selincourt, 2003) and his estimates. To explain their disbelief, some say that Herodetus confused the Persian terms for thousand (chiliarchy) and then thousand (miliarchy). The implication is that the Persian force was only 250,000 soldiers, a tenfold reduction of the size of the Persian forces ranged against the heroic Spartans. Others say that it's impossible since the normal size of the Persian army was 300,000 soldiers and that at best the size of the army was doubled to 600,000.

The other factor that needs to be considered is geography. It has been stated that the area in front of Thermoplyae was only a few square miles. Let's assume 5 square miles (possibly being generous). 2.5 million people over 5 square miles means 500,000 in one square mile (2.6 square kms). That's about 5 square metres per person..... excluding walkways, public facilities, cavalry and transport animals, sleeping quarters, etc. That's a very crowded army site and we have not included the baggage train! This fact alone (subject to confirmation of the area in front of the Thermopylae Pass) means that the size of the Persian army needs to be looked at in detail again.

Does it really matter whether the size of the Persian army was at least 20 times the size of Greek forces set against it in Thermopylae! In one way, in terms of the numerical advantage, it doesn't matter. King Xerxes I knew it would only be a matter of time before he would get through. That the back pathway shown to the Persians by a local Greek shepherd cut the battle down to a three day engagement is not important, except in showing that the Greek Alliance had chosen their position wisely. The Persians still got through.

The interesting point is the logistics one. The Persian fleet, which was involved in supplying the Persian army, had been pinned down by the Greeks and in fact lost some of their fleet to a storm. This was likely an important food supply. Even with only 300,000 soldiers and an equal number of followers, the Persian army needed the equivalent of 400 metric tonnes of grain equivalent per day to feed the army alone! That means two ship loads of grain every day if my calculations are correct (refer Notes in previous blog). Delays in the campaign would have started to cause problems in terms of the available food.

Remember, the battle took place somewhere between September 18th and 20th in the modern calendar. The winter colds sets in Greece seriously by mid-November, particularly in the northern provinces of modern Greece. The population of Greece at the time of Alexander the Great was estimated recently (Herman Hansen, 2006) to be between 10 and 13 million, including slaves. The population of Modern Greece (July 2006) was estimated to be 10.7 million (CIA Factbook, 2007). Hmmm... the point is that King Xerxes I may not have had enough food stored away for his army in Greece and would have wanted to return at least part of his army back to Asia Minor. He could not ship such a large army; they would need to march to northern Greece and be transported across the Hellespont.

That the Persian Army was much larger than the Spartan forces and the Greek allies is likely undisputable. One point does emerge quite strongly though; mounting these campaigns required a significant logistic planning effort and in the less productive Greek lands, you could have an army so big that it would be difficult to use the strategem of a larger size effectively without choosing where to fight to your advantage. The Greek alliance probably had the advantage there.

The implications for Alexander the Great was significant here as well. If you can choose your battlefield carefully, through the use of battle-hardened troops one could negate the superior numerical advantage of the Persians. What a lesson! Oh, by the way, Alexander the Great faced a similar situation at the gates of Susa, the last natural mountain pass barring his way to Persepolis. What a great irony it was that the Persian commander did not choose to fight there to the death. What an even greater irony that Alexander the Great also had to resort to a backpass through the mountains to win!

Don't you just love history! Pity about the historical accuracy (or lack thereof) of the movie 300 (Lytle, 2007) !



Bibliography

CIA The World Factbook 2007
https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/print/gr.html

de Selincourt, Aubrey (translator) Herodetus: The Histories Penguin Classics reissue edition, 2003

Keegan, J. "50,000 more US troops can save Iraq" Telegraph.co.uk 03 Jan. 2007

Lyttle, Ephraim "Sparta? No. This is Madness" Toronto Star 11 March 2007
http://www.thestar.com/article/190493

Strecchini, Livio C. "The Size of the Persian Army"
http://www.metrum.org/perwars/persize.htm (read 08April2007)

Herman Hansen, Mogens The Shotgun Method: The Demography of the Ancient Greek City-State Culture The University of Missouri Press, 2006

Wikipedia "300 (film)" http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/300_%28film%29 (read 07April2007)

Wikipedia "Battle of Thermopylae" http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Battle_at_the_Pass_of_Thermopylae#_note-Maurice
(read 07April2007)

Saturday, April 07, 2007

Logistics and Alexander the Great's Army

The reading of Xenophon's Anabasis highlighted the importance of logistics in the strategic and tactical considerations of military commanders in the days of the Persian and Greek empires. Any reading of Alexander the Great's pathway to conquest raises some very interesting questions of strategy. Why, after the battle of Issus in November, did Alexander the Great move towards Egypt rather than attack the heart of the Persian Empire? Why, after the battles in the Indus Valley, did Alexander the Great choose to move across the Gedronian Desert? In both cases, how did he provision the army and what risks did he take in following these pathways?

Thankfully, there is a book that tackles these challenges. Donald Engels has tackled the subject of the logistics of the Macedonian Army in his Ph.D. thesis. While there are many books that have analysed the battles of Alexander the Great (at crucial battles at Issus and Gaugamela against Darius III in particular), this is a groundbreaking book in understanding the military strategy of Alexander the Great on a broader front. Engels specifically looks at the impact of logistics and geography on military strategy (while of course not denying the importnace of political and military events).

Ask yourself the question, for how many days can an army survive by carrying its own food and water? In these days of processed high nutrition meals and a military logistics machine that can carry food across continents to supply an army, it may sound like a silly question. (For example, the U.S. Army in Iraq must have a significant portion of its food supplied from the US and Europe). However, in the days of Alexander the Great this was a seriously important and reasonable question to ask. Alexander the Great had to cross deserts with minimal food availability and even less water available a number of times (e.g. on the road to Egypt, when attacking Babylon, and when returning from the Indus Valley to Persepolis).

The answer depends on a small number of questions and of course the assumptions made in answering those questions:
• How much food and water do people (soldiers and followers) and pack animals (horses, mules, camels) need per day to survive?
• How much food and water can each of these carry in addition to the other items required (battle equipment, tents and housing, loot captured along the way)?
• What is the composition of the armed forces (horsemen, hoplites and archers)?
• How many and what type of followers do you allow to be the baggage of an army?
The answers to these questions allow one to estimate how long an army can survive by carrying its own food.

The answer calculated by Engels (1978 pp.22). is that "an army whose supplies are carried by animals and men cannot advance through desert where neither grain, fodder or water is available for more than four days. If the army were fed full rations, it could not advance for more than two days without incurring heavy casualties." This, if I have understood Engels correctly, for an army that did not have any women or children following, had the soldiers carrying their own armour and limited support followers to one for every three soldiers.

If you want to know the detailed assumptions he made, it's worth reading the book. Just for the record, here are the key assumptions made:
• Each soldier requires the nutritional equivalent of 3 lb of grain and 2 quarts of water per day (and I'll let you convert that to metric*),
• Each horse or mule would require forage of 10 lbs of chaff or straw plus 10 lb of grain per day and 8 gallons (32 quarts) of water per day,
• The average pack animal can carry 250 lb while the average soldier can carry up to 80 lbs of food and equipment,
• One pack animal was required for every 50 combatants to carry noncomestibles i.e. items such as tents and other camp necessities.
If you'd like to check how these were calculated and estimated, you will need to refer back to Engels (1978, pp. 11-25 plus Appendix 1:Rations).**

Having answered that question, one can then ask other questions based upon different availabilities of food and water along the way as well as the capacity of a logistics support system to bring the food to the soldiers. This is where the importance of naval supply vessels becomes critical. Alexander the Great controlled the sea sufficiently to bring food supplies in from other regions using ships. Knowing that Athens controlled the grain supply from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean and that Athens was an ally (no matter how reluctantly) of Alexander the Great means that the range of his army could be extended greatly. Ships are much more efficient than pack animals in carrying food supplies and water.

The battle at Issus was fought in November 333BC. Food supplies would have been limited at that stage if foraged from the land. The next crops would be in five to six months time, in the Spring of 332BC. Had Alexander moved inland, he would have had difficulty finding sufficient food for his army in hostile territory. He was far better off moving along the coast, capturing cities along the way and securing some food supplies that way while using the naval forces to provide grain from what can only be assumed was from the Black Sea. By moving towards Egypt, Alexander was also securing one of the few regions able to provide a surplus of food for the Persian Empire as well. He was cutting off a vital resource. (There were political reasons for doing so as well. Alexander would have known that the Persians had alienated the local population in Egypt by desecrating their temple of the sacred calf, providing him with an opportunity to overthrow the Persian governors and tax tributes).

Alexander left Egypt in the middle of 331BC (i.e. when he had secured food supplies from the recent harvest and was able to move into the heart of the Persian Empire having consolidated his position in Egypt). The battle at Gaugamela (modern day Irbil in Iraq) was held on October 1st 331BC. The distance between Alexandria in Egypt and is about 870 miles (or 1400 km). Engels (Appendix 5, pp.153) has calculated the fastest the army could have moved as 20 miles per day. So, at breakneck speed and allowing for no opposition it would have required 44 days with no rest to make that journey (never a realistic assumption). At least half, if not more, of that distance is traveling inland from the coast depending upon the route actually taken. It would have required a strong local knowledge of food and water supplies to ensure that the army of Alexander the Great would arrive in a fit condition to fight. That also assumes that Alexander knew where they would be fighting in advance of leaving Egypt.

Of course, a large army of 40,000 infantry and 7,000 cavalry (Wikipedia, 2007) is unlikely to move that fast anyway and it is likely at each step of the way inland, Alexander had to secure the territory to ensure his retreat was also protected (just in case). During the journey inland Alexander the Great had the viceroy of Syria (named as Arrimas) removed for failing to collect supplies needed for the inland journey (Engels, 1978 pp.66).

The interesting point is that while Alexander had lost the logistics advantage of being supplied by sea vessels once he left the Mediterranean coast, he still had the advantage of travelling much faster than the Persian army could for the reasons mentioned earlier in this blog i.e. no women and children and fewer support personnel. It was only after the battle of Gaugamela that Alexander allowed the army to have women and children following in the baggage train. That was when he had essentially captured one half of the Persian Empire (from Egypt through to modern Iraq) and all that remained was modern day Iran, Afghanistan and parts of modern Pakistan.

The next time that Alexander used ships to transport food was in the march from the Indus back to Persepolis through the deserts of Southern Iran. The plan was breathtakingly simple in concept and obviously difficult but not impossible in practice. Water would be supplied by the troops to the fleet and the fleet would provide food to the troops. However, the very monsoon supplying the water was the reason why the fleet was unable to sail until October, and the detailed preparation was in vain. (For more information, you must read Engels pp. 110 - 117). That Alexander the Great found a way though was a tribute to his ability to take risks and knowledge of logistics. Far from being irrational, he showed the greatest courage of his career in making those decisions.

At this stage I am not aware of any follow-up studies to the work of Engels but I'm happy to receive information on more recent studies that support or cast doubt on the findings.

Why are these findings about the importance of logistics and geography to the military strategy of Alexander the Great so important? They go to the very heart of Alexander's state of mind during these campaigns, especially the campaigns through the Gedrosian Desert and Southern Iran. It has been suggested that Alexander the Great was already "unstable" of mind at the time and that the campaigns were a a way of punishing the Macedonian soldiers who had effectively revolted in the Indus Valley campaigns against going further into India. Certainly he would have been very disappointed and angry, but his actions take on a very different light given the logistic and geographic situations he was facing and the possibility he had received disturbing news from Persia about the behaviour of his satrapal appointees.

That has to be the topic for another blog. I have some more research to do now :-) as this new insight demands investigation.



Notes:
* OK, 3 lb is equivalent to 1.4 kg approximately and 2 quarts (US) approximately equal 1.9 liters of water.
** You'll also want to know that a ship can carry 53,360 gallon of water plus the weight of the amphorae (Engels, 1978 pp. 58 n.26). That's 202,768 litres of water by volume or a weight of 202,786 kilograms.



Bibliography:

Cities located close to Alexandria, Egypt http://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/distances.html?n=426 (read 07 April 2007)

Engels, Donald W. Alexander the Great and the Logistics of the Macedonian Army University of California Press, 1978

Saturday, February 03, 2007

Lessons from Xenophon's Anabasis

What an extraordinary tale unfolds in Xenophon's recollections of the Ten Thousand Greek mercenaries who, in 401 BC, joined Prince Cyrus (the brother of the Persian King Artaxerxes) and became part of the force which sought to overthrow the King. When Prince Cyrus was killed in the battlefield, the Ten Thousand Greeks were confronted with a demand to submit to the King. Instead they chose to use the threat of their numbers to demand safe passage back towards their homelands, the Greek city states. The Persians cleverly allowed them initial safe passage northwards from Babylon until they were less of a threat but the uneasy truce was broken by the time the Greeks reached the upper reaches of the Tigris river.

Following the journey of the Ten Thousand through the mountains to the Black Sea is a lesson in forging political alliances, foraging for food and finding a way through hostile geography. It is as much a lesson in leadership of Greek mercenaries as it is in the politics and economy of the city states found along the way. Let there be no mistake; the Ten Thousand were a group to be feared by Greeks and non-Greeks alike as they made their way back to mainland Greece.

Let us explore some of these lessons because to the modern military strategist they may not be as obvious as to those steeped in the military lessons of the Greek and Roman times. (Just for the record, the version I have read of Xenophon's Anabasis is the translation by Rex Warner (1949) Anabasis literally means "the journey up" and presumably means the journey up from Persia to Greece. However it could also have a play on words as Anabasis also has the meaning of "uplifting" and could refer to an uplifting of the Greek mercenaries and the inspiration derived thereof from their exploits).

One of the most telling lessons for me was the need to acquire food for the troops along the way. This could be accomplished in two ways: either the food was purchased or it was basically stolen from the local population.

In the narrative of Anabasis we come across a number of instances where the local leadership of cities and provinces along the way had a choice to make: either allow passage to the Greek mercenaries and allow them to purchase food supplies from the local merchants or deny them passage and force them to forage for food. This seems like an easy choice. Grant them passage and allow them to buy food! Surely it cannot be that difficult a choice? Yet, it was! Can one trust such a large force of mercenaries? Having opened the doors to the cities, would these mercenaries use their force to steal anyway? How long would they stay in the city or region? After they left, how much food would be left for the local population? Was it better to be cautious and not offer them safe passage in order not to offend the Persian forces following the Greek forces? What would stop these mercenaries from taking over the leadership of cities along the way and just settle there? After all, they were mercenaries who likely had nothing of value in Greece itself!

The Armenians in the mountains chose to fight the Greek mercenaries. Others, it seems those on plains and in cities with less defensible positions, chose to accommodate the Greeks and even turn their presence into an advantageous position by using them to attack traditional enemies. After all, these mercenaries were for hire as well. With no paymaster, whatever they spent from their own hoarded earnings was just that much less available when they returned to their homes in Greece. Remember, these mercenaries had not expected to be fighting King Artaxerxes but to be in what we now call Turkey. They were much further from home than they may have expected.

For the Greek mercenaries, the choice was easy. A speedy and safe transit through the area alleviated the need for earning income through plundering local assets. Any delays only increased the need to earn, either through becoming hired mercenaries again or through the spoils gained from capturing a town or some regional area.

There was another complicating factor, seasonality! In winter time, progress would be much slower through the areas travelled. One can imagine the fear of local residents would be greater and the available food would be less. What does one do then? Welcome the soldiers and face the possibility they would stay or hurry them along by providing the bare necessities and face the possibility of a backlash from the mercenaries? In the fertile plains and valleys where the spring would bring new crops, you wanted the mercenaries well and truly gone so they would not steal your crops and leave you to face the year without food! One can imagine how difficult the decision would have been for the local citizenry and leadership!

Towards the later stages of the journey another interesting lesson surfaced! Not all of the mercenaries had homes and families to return to in Greece. The reasons for becoming a mercenary are not easy to identify; it could be poverty, some estrangement from the family, possibly a criminal action, the love of adventure, maybe a failed love affair. It would be difficult to pinpoint why these mercenaries had joined the Persian army. No one ran surveys of the motivations for becoming a mercenary to my knowledge. (In fact the whole science of running surveys to assess motivations, public opinion and behaviours appears to be a very modern and contemporary phenomenon). Many would feel apprehensive about returning home under the best of circumstances.

It is thus understandable that some would feel that establishing a city somewhere along the way home would be an attractive proposition. Why go home to share the spoil and booty when one could establish their own families and cities along the way? Why not establish a city wher there was ample arable land available for free and one could settle with companions who had endured the hardships and joys of the journey, people with whom one had a common bond formed in battle and companionship along the way? Even Xenophon himself was tempted by that proposition.

For the modern reader it is not something we are used to. Can you imagine this? Imagine whole colonies of American soldiers settling and forming their own cities in Italy or Germany? can you imagine Australian soldiers settling in Turkey following Gallipolli? Can you imagine Japanese troops settling in the Philippines or Papua New Guinea in the aftermath of WWII. Can you imagine British troops forming wholly British colonies in India? Can you imagine Spanish troops forming wholly Spanish colonies in the Americas. Of course, you can argue that this is ridiculous, these modern troops were not mercenaries to a foreign power! However, this was also a practice followed by Alexander the Great in forming Greek colonies, many of them called Alexandria, as he conquered and settled the Persian Empire. Not so ridiculous after all.

(Almost as an aside, this raises the interesting fact that Greece exported its people precisely because their land was relatively unproductive and barren compared to the fertile valleys of the Nile and Mesopotamia. The gift of the Mesopotamians and Persians was bringing water to the desert and making it fertile (much as the modern Israelis claim in the Negev Desert and other parts of the country). The gift of the Greeks was that brought by Athena (the olive tree) and that of Poseidon (a calm sea). Where others created large cities around rivers and fertile valleys, the Greeks created new cities by exporting their most valuable resource, people, and creating trade across regions.)

The third lesson, and a most important one, was that the Ten Thousand Greeks were also unwelcome in Greece itself. At that time the Spartans controlled the cities and territories. They had real difficulties in accepting a large army that had the potential to upset their control and power across mainland Greece and in the parts of Asia Minor they controlled. It was a random and unpredictable factor in a complex web of political relationships they had built.

Can you imagine how the Ten Thousand Greeks felt when they realised, after having traveled across hostile Persian territory, that they were also unwelcomed by the Spartans! They joy they must have felt when when they saw the sea for the first time must have evaporated quickly with this realisation. They may be heroes but they were a problem as well to the ruling class of Spartans across the Greek network of cities and colonies.

Something similar happened, by the way, in Australia following WWI. The soldiers who returned back to Australia following WWI had a great difficulty settling back into civilian life. The first decade was not such as problem as these were the Roaring Twenties and economic growth brought with it jobs. However, the Depression years were another story. In his book entitled "1932" , Gerald Stone talks about the great numbers of disaffected ex-military citizens who became members of para-military organisations in Australia, some on the right and some on the left of the political spectrum. They proved to be a great destabilising force in Australian politics. If you have read "Kangaroo" by D.H. Lawrence then you will have seen these forces at play in Sydney in 1922. I was quite surprised to learn of something similar at play in the anti-Greek riots in Kalgoorlie, Australia in 1916 (Yiannakis, 1996). Undoubtedly there are many similar stories across Europe and South America that could be raised.

Was this perhaps a lesson that Alexander the Great had learned, that it would be difficult to repatriate large numbers of the Greeks who had joined the battle against the Persian Empire? Did he also fear the consequences of sending back large numbers of battle-hardened troops to Greece while they were still in their fighting prime? We may never know how he felt but it is a lesson well learned.

The fourth lesson was the importance of local geographic knowledge that Anabasis conveyed to later military planners. In particular the lesson about the Cilician Gates, the entry point from modern Turkey to Syria is important. Local geographic knowledge provides considerable advantage in planning military logistics and campaigns. My own knowledge was considerably heightened by going to Google Earth and viewing the terrain associated with that campaign. Then it all began to make sense.

For Alexander the Great, it is quite possible that some of his knowledge was gleaned from books like Anabasis. Knowing where sources of water are, what local conditions prevail, how to deal with the impact of geography on logistics is quite important to one's success. Contrast this with the relative lack of knowledge that Alexander the Great faced in his campaigns in the eastern parts of the Persian Empire, in modern Afghanistan, Pakistan and India, where his lack of knowledge cost him dearly in campaigns against the locals. Something as simple as the timing of the monsoons created a major logistic problem for Alexander in the final march from India back to Persepolis.

While there are good lessons from Anabasis that surely Alexander had learnt, despite not having any concrete evidence that Alexander had read Anabasis, it is unlikely that Anabasis was the only source of local information. There were many Greek mercenaries in the Persian army at all times, even when Alexander was actively fighting them. These Greek mercenaries at different times would have fought on both sides of the conflicts and therefore we can presume that local information was readily available in various parts of the Persian Empire. There is also some evidence from written sources that other books on travel through the Persian Empire had been written, even going as far as India, though these books have been lost.

The fifth, and for me possible the most interesting lesson, was the image of mercenaries electing their leadership and debating aspects of their strategy through the whole of the journey. Therein lies the most paradoxical lesson for the student of human affairs. We are so used to the stereotype of military leadership being led from the top, of orders cascading from the politicians to the generals and through the military hierarchy to the troops that reading of something different makes quite an impression.

Grass-roots democracy at the local government level is not difficult to understand. In the United States we have examples of grass-roots democracy in the north-eastern states where town-hall meetings are taken seriously, where the voice of the local population is heard with respect by elected town councillors who, in turn, take their role of representing the citizen quite seriously. This has been a feature of local government from the very beginning. It is very interesting to read Alexis de Tocqueville discussing The Powers of the Township in New England (Penguin Books, 2003 pp. 74).

Grass roots democracy in a military organization is something quite different! When the traditional sources of authority are removed (in this case both the political and the military leadership of the Persians) we have an unusual and interesting situation. What is it that keeps the mercenaries together, what is the common factor in other words, and how do they exercise leadership in this circumstance. It would be so easy for the mercenaries to split into many factions of self-interest. Yet, to a large extent, this did not happen with the Ten Thousand mercenaries. Why? How? Very significant questions not only for students of military leadership but also for those of human social organization (sociologists, social psychologists and political scientists).

The common cause could quite easily be postulated to be the fear of mistreatment at the hands of the Persians. The army under the leadership of Prince Cyrus was composed of many types of mercenaries and professional soldiers. Amongst the mercenaries were a large number of Greeks. (There would also have been Greek mercenaries within the armed forces King Artaxerxes as well). With the death of Prince Cyrus, the rebellion was over and there is no sense that King Artaxerxes faced another threat. The Persian forces were welcomed back into the fold. But you can imagine that in searching for a possible scapegoat, the Greek mercenaries could become a target for revenge. That, plus the desire to return to Greece, was most likely the force that bound the Ten Thousand in a common cause. Remember, they had not joined up with Prince Cyrus to fight King Artaxerxes. They had been slyly misled into that position.

A common cause however does not provide leadership, especially the leadership to protect themselves and, if necessary, fight their way to back to freedom. The first group of elected leaders tried to negotiate, apparently in good faith, their way to safe passage through the Persian Empire back to their Greek home cities. (It would be quite irresponsible to even suggest that such a thing as Greece existed, in the sense of a nation. There were Greek cities bound by loose and quite radically shifting strategic alliances and coalitions, nothing more and nothing less). These leaders were imprisoned and executed. One can imagine the next set of elected leaders were far more cautious and suspicious of Persian motives.

Here's the interesting point. The open forum meetings held by the Ten Thousand featured quite open discussions (as far as we can tell from the written records surviving) where a political concensus was first formed and then leadership elected to implement that concensus tactically. The political concensus also sought guidance and advice from the gods, with appropriate sacrifices and readings of the entrails, before making a decision. But, it was made, and that's the most interesting point.

As the Ten Thousand achieved their objectives, particularly in reaching safe haven on the northern sea coast of modern Turkey, i.e. the Black Sea, the common cause disintegrated and we begin to see a fragmentation of the Ten Thousand into different groups and a much more difficult process of electing common leadership. Grass roots democracy, by itself, does not provide the commonality of purpose. What it seems to have provided is a means for exploring the common wisdom in both formulating and assessing strategic options before deciding what to do.

Interestingly, there is a lesson here also for Alexander the Great. Initially he had the backing of the Macedonian and (other) Greek troops in striking into the heart of the Persian Empire. While the reasons of different factions may have differed, they had a common cause. Alexander the Great provided the leadership but, even there, it was not autocratic or despotic in nature. While Alexander obviously had the respect and support of the troops, he seems to have worked hard to build that degree of rapport and respect. He certainly was not democratic but he certainly seems to have had the "populist touch" which may be as far as we can get to a truly democratic forum.

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It has to remain a matter of conjecture whether Alexander the Great read Anabasis and, if he had, was his imagination fired more by The Iliad or by Anabasis. What remains indisputable is that logistics was an important variable to consider in the planning of war and warfare. For more on Alexander and military logistics, tune into the next blog!


Bibliography:

Bevan, G.E. (translator) "Alexis de Tocqueville: Democracy in America and Two Essays on America" Penguin Books, 2003

Lawrence, D.H. "Kangaroo" Cambridge University Press 2002

Stone, Gerald "1932: The Year that Changed A Nation" Pan Macmillan 2005

Warner, Rex (translator) "Xenophon: The Persian Expedition" Penguin Classics 1949

Yiannakis, J. "Kalgoorlie Alchemy: Xenophobia, Patriotism and the Anti-Greek 1916 Riots" Early Days Vol. 2, No. 2 1996.

Saturday, January 13, 2007

Forthcoming Blogs

There is nothing quite like the excitement of discovering new things about a topic. Over the past few days I have been discovering so much that i want to preview forthcoming blogs in this relatively short entry.

The Education of Alexander
It is well known that Aristotle was Alexander's tutor for a number of years in Macedon. The exact nature of his schooling is not known but we can imagine it to include not only the teaching of Plato but also of Socrates.

My interest has, however, been kindled by Xenophon's work. In particular, my initial interest was in Anabasis, the story of the retreat from Persia through to Asia Minor and back to mainland Greece of the Greek mercenaries in 401BC. Xenophon was one of the leaders elected to lead the mercenaries. There's a lot more to this story but the important question for me was whether Alexander the Great used the memoirs written by Xenophon during his own "Persian Expedition". Wikipedia suggests that is exactly the case!

More recently, I discovered that Xenophon's lesser known works, at least today, was the Kyropedia or The Education of Cyrus. Initially I was led to dimiss it as merely a tale of fiction but just as quickly I discovered that this was an important early discourse on the art of governance. It precedes Machiavelli's "The Prince" by many centuries and provides an alternative view of governance based on trust, not fear.

One can only hypoythesize that Alexander was not only well schooled in the military arts, he was also well schooled in what we would call the classical literature of Ancient Greece which covered poltics, governance and economics as well as science and literature. One cannot imagine education by Aristotle being narrowly focussed.

Esther
Have you ever wondered who were the people who lived in various parts of the Persian Empire at the time of Darius III and Alexander the Great? Remember that Darius the Great had forged an empire which stretched from Egypt through to Afghanistan and India as well as northwards to include modern-day Turkey, Greece and even parts of Russia. Quite an accomplishment though much of it had been captured initially by Cyrus the Great.

When Babylon was conquered by Cyrus in 539BC, there was a very large population of Jews who lived there following the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem in 587 BC (by Nebuchadrezzar). They had been allowed by Cyrus the Great to return to Jerusalem as part of a general amnesty (and Cyrus had actually offered funds to rebuild the Temple at Jerusalem) but many had stayed. By all accounts Babylon was quite a multicultural community, with Elamites, Persians, Medes, Cilicians, Ionians and Egyptians living there in addition to the Jews.

Of the many Jews who stayed behind in Babylon, a number went to Susa (the winter palace of the Persian Kings) and therein enters the tale of Esther. Now if you have read the Book of Esther in the New Testament, you will know the remainder of the story. If not, then I'll summarise it in the forthcoming blog.

The importance of this is quite straightforward. Remember that many aspects of daily commerce were connected to the Jews and we know that some Jews were highly placed officials in the bureaucracy of the Persian Empire. At this stage I have no idea what role the Jews may, or may not, have played in the unfolding story of Alexander the Great but it would certainly be part of the background that I'd like to explore.

Have just discovered something of interest, namely that Alexander the Great may have played a part in the split between the Samaritans and the Jews at the time of his conquest of Tyne (after Sisygambis and the royal women had been captured) (Schafer, 2003 Chapter 1). I can only smile that I discovered this just one day before the 25th Tevet 5767 (15th January 2007) which is celebrated as the day of the meeting between Alexander the Great and the High Priest of the Holy temple in Jerusalem (refer chabad.org).

Prosopography
Don't you just love all these new words! Thank heavens I speak Greek and I have a good isea of what "prosopography" means ...... "prosopo" is a Greek word meaning face but sometimes meaning a person and of course "graphy" means the writing of something.

Some time ago, I realised that I would need to write "potted histories" of key characters that I intended to use in various parts of the book. Since I wanted a measure of historical accuracy, I needed to ensure that they appeared in the various classic texts about Alexander the Great. It was not a task I was looking forward to but certainly I recognised it as an important one.

Imagine my joy when I discovered that such a task had already been completed! Yes, there is actually a book called "Who's Who in the Age of Alexander the Great" (Heckel, 2006). Yes, it will cost a fortune to buy and no, the discount from Amazon.com is not that great. With over 800 biographies, all historically referenced, it is likely to be an invaluable tool.

For those that may be interested, there is also a prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire (preceding Alexander the Great) which is in the process of being published as a scholarly work (Radner (ed), 1998) as a series of volumes.

Alexander's Retreat
Many people have commented on how irrational they believe it was for Alexander the Great to have marched back from India along the Iranian coast. Many of his troops perished and that is seen as evidence of the fact that he was "losing" his ability to lead the troops. (I'll provide references for this in the actual blog).

I've been puzzled by this. In fact, I'm more than puzzled because this is all too convenient an explanation of the facts. There's no doubt that it would have been a risky gamble to travel down the coast ........ but Alexander's military history is full of gambles, many that succeeded and possibly a few that didn't. This risky manoeuvre is not entirely out of character.

If that is correct, and Alexander was in fact being entirely rational, why may have that been the case? What was in fact the reason for choosing to do this? Some people will assign a malevolent motive to Alexander; that this forced march was conducted deliberately to demoralise and destroy the troops which had revolted against him in India. Interesting hypothesis but entirely out of character for Alexander (which I guess is the point of those who say he "lost his marbles").

There is some interesting evidence that Alexander was facing some difficulties from commanders back in the central Persian Empire provinces. Is it possible that he knew he would face difficulties going back, that his return would be delayed and that he would be giving warning to his foes that he was returning? Is it possible that this was a way of surprising everybody and getting back before defenses could be erected to his return?

That's the hypothesis I will be exploring in the blog about Alexander's Retreat i.e. that this was a calculated gamble to surprise everybody back in Persepolis and Baghdad.

There are three questions that need to be investigated here:
1. What were the alternative routes back to Susa/Baghdad and what were the practical logistical difficulties there?
2. What were the risks of going down the coastal pathway in comparison and what were the potential benefits? and
3. What was happening to governance of the Empire while Alexander was away? (There are some hints about corruption and bad governance in later events).
Hopefully I will be able to answer these questions in the blog.


In the immortal words of Bugs Bunny.......That's all Folks!



Bibliography

Dakins, Henry Graham (translator) "Xenophon - Cyropedia: The education of Cyrus" Gutenberg Project, 2000
http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/2085

Heckel, Waldemar "Who's Who in the Age of Alexander the Great - Prosopography of Alexander's Empire" Blackwell Publishing Professional 2006.

Radner, Helen "The Prosopography Neo-Assyrian Empire Vol.1 Part 1 A" Eisenbrauns, 1998

Schafer, Peter "The History of the Jews in the Greco-Roman World" Routledge 2003

http://www.chabad.org/calendar/view/day.asp?tdate=1/15/2007

Warner, Rex (translator) "Xenophon - The Persian Expedition" Penguin Books 1949

Wednesday, January 10, 2007

Persepolis and the Importance of Now Rouz

Background Events
The burning of Persepolis in 330BC is one of the most significant events in the story of Alexander the Great. Having captured Babylon and Susa in Autumn of 331BC, Alexander the Great left Sisygambis and the remaining captive women of the royal family in Susa while he moved on to capture Persepolis. Before doing so, it is mentioned by Curtius Rufus (Book 5, 2(22)) that Alexander had spoken to Sisygambis and confirmed to her the same status and respect as his own mother, Olympias. Other sources mention that this was when Alexander provided the royal women with Greek tutors.

Moving in winter time to capture Persepolis meant first the territory of the Uxian people and then breaching the Susian gates. The Uxian territory was governed by the satrap Medates, who was married to the daughter of Sisygambis' sister, who decided to fight rather than capitulate to Alexander's forces. Medates was defeated, in a tactical mountain manoeuvre that seems to be a characteristic of Alexander's drive to overcome traditional military obstacles and use surprise as a weapon in battle (Curtius Rufus, Book 5 3(5)), and was saved only by appealing to Sisygambis who intervened by letter on his behalf. This is a measure of the respect and influence she had achieved.

(Note: This is a useful thing to note, because we can now establish that mail correspondence between Sisygambis and Alexander was possible. There is evidence elsewhere that mail in the Persian Empire travelled very quickly and safely across the royal roads, in as little as three days from Susa to the frontiers, which is faster than 21Century mail systems. One of the devices we will use in the proposed book are letters of correspondence between Siygambis and Alexander. It is known that Alexander corresponded with his birth mother, Olympias, in Macedonia (Carney, 2006 pp.53-54). In addition it is useful to note that about the time that Alexander was confirming the status of Sisygambis as an "adopted" mother, his own mother left Macedonia for her homeland of Molossia, probably for reasons related to her antipathy for Antipater (Carney, 2006 p.52).)

Alexander next moved to breach the Susian gates, then held by Ariobarzanes, satrap of Persia, with 25000 troops. The Susian gates were a narrow gorge with very steep sides which forced the advancing army into a narrow and indefensible position (Curtius Rufus, Book 5 3 (17)-(21)). For possibly the first time Alexander had been stopped in his relentless drive. The troops under Alexander's command are not clear but the suggestion is that they were less than under the Persian command. After retreating for a few days, Alexander found a Lycian captive who was able to act as a guide providing a narrow back access pathway across the mountain. Thus Alexander was able to attack Ariobarzanes both from both sides of the pass. With 5000 infantry and 40 cavalry, Ariobarzanes broke through the Macedonian line and retreated to Persepolis where, unexplicably, he was denied entry and died at the hands of the pursuing forces (Rufius Curtius, Book 5 4).

(Note: This passage has great significance for those familiar with the battle at Thermopylae in 480BC. Leonidas, the Spartan King, with a select group of 300 Spartans and a small supporting Greek army defended the pass of Thermopylae against the might of Xerxes' army. They held the pass for three days and were defeated only when a Greek showed the Persians a path that circumvented the Greek position.(Herodotus, 1996 Book VII) While this did not save Athens from being sacked and the Acropolis being burnt, it did provide the Greek navy with time to prepare for the battle of Salamis. The contrast with the battle at the Susian Pass is interesting.)

Persepolis then fell to the forces of Alexander the Great in January 330BC. The great misfortune of Persepolis was that there was no satrap to hand over the city (though Fox (2004, pp. 258) states Alexander was welcomed by the city governor) and it appears the citizens of Persepolis had fled the city, many expecting the worst from Iskander the Destroyer. Inexplicably, Darius III had also fled to Ecbatana (in north west Iran) to regroup and prepare for a final battle with 30,000 infantry (including 4,000 Greeks), 4,000 archers and 3,300 cavalry (Curtius Rufus, Book 5 8). Persepolis and with it the Royal Treasury and the Zoroastrian Temple were laid open to plunder and destruction.

Greek Revenge - The Destruction of Persepolis
The initial sack and plunder of Persepolis was just that, a looting of the Royal Treasury accompanied by the unfortunate killing of people and stories of families electing to suicide heroically rather than face the rape and pillage of the marauding Greeks. Alexander quickly arranged for the treasury of Persepolis to be shipped out, initially to Macedonia but ultimately in Hamadan (Fox, 2004 pp.268), and then he quickly moved with a light rapid force in the heart of winter to subdue the rest of the province of Persia.

The burning of Persepolis occured a few months later, in May 330BC. The main army forces had been stationed in Persepolis, for a well deserved rest while Alexander had moved to secure the province. Easily accomplished, Alexander then waited for the weather to turn before mounting the next expected challenge against Darius III. The story told is one of revenge by the Greeks for the burning of Athens and of the Acropolis in particular.

Both Plutarch (1973,7(38) pp.295 ) and Curtius Rufus (Book 5 7(1)-(8) pp: 107) have a similar tale of revenge driven by an excess of wine and the urging of an Athenian courtesan. During one of the banquets, the courtesan Thais (who was the companion and later the wife of the general Ptolemy) urged Alexander to burn the Palace in revenge for the burning of the Acropolis by Xerxes (son of Darius I). Apparently, Alexander took the lead (perhaps as a matter of honour for how could one allow a courtesan to throw the first torch?) and the great palace in Persepolis was effectively destroyed by fire.

It is said by Plutrach that Alexander repented the deed quickly and tried to save the burning buildings but it was too late. The temple was built with a cedar roof and it was almost impossible to stop the roof burning. Archeological excavations apparently discovered 30 feet of ashes covering the ruined temples (Kriwaczek, 2003).

That basically is the Greek side of the story! There is, however, a Persian side to the story, some of it anecdotal and some enshrined in the classical literature of Persia.

Disaster at Persepolis - The Persian Story
The history of Iskander the Destroyer is told in the classic history of Persia written by Ferdowsi (and completed just before his death in 1020AD). The Shahnameh is revered as the classic poetic history of Persia (http://www.answers.com/topic/shahnameh) and there is an acclaimed recent translation by Dick Davis (Ferdowsi, 2006)which however is in prose rather than poetry. I will abstain from any further comments until I have read a number of translations.

There are a number of other references however which I have found fascinating, all of them in the book "In Search of Zarathustra" by Paul Kriwaczek (2002):

• The suggestion is made that Xerxes destroyed the Parthenon in 480BC because it contained figures of idolatry (2002, pp: 192) and, like his father Darius I, Xerxes was a strong believer in Ahura Mazda as a single god. Unlike Cyrus II, the founder and grandfather of Xerxes who tolerated many different faiths as long as the showed appropriate deference and tribute, Xerxes appeared to be part of a battle that included a fight against the Mage supporting other pretenders to the throne.
• Somewhere in the book, to be confirmed, there is also a suggestion that Darius I had become incensed at the Greeks because they had not chosen to present their tributes to Ahura Mazda and himself at Persepolis during the annual Now Rouz festival. He had become so angry with the Greek lack of tribute that he assembled the invasion forces to ensure due respect and tribute. This is where Now Rouz first makes an important appearance.
• One of the tour guides at Persepolis suggested that Alexander the Great had become incensed because appropriate tribute had not flowed to him during the traditional Now Rouz period of tribute (Krawiczek, 2002 pp: 146). We must recall that Darius III was still alive at Now Rouz and perhaps the loyalties were too difficult to arrange. Who was the rightful ruler of Persia? Why should tribute be made to a person who had no idea of the Now Rouz rituals for the Persian Empire?
• Zoroastrian tradition has it that many sacred texts were destroyed during the fire at the Temple but that the son of Darius III ordered that two copies of the sacred text Avesta and commentary Zand be prepared from the remaining fragments and oral traditions (Krawiczek, 2002 pp: 87, 203 and 215).

In this way, the Zoroastrian tradition of Now Rouz takes on an importance that is intriguing as well as presenting a great opportunity for storytelling. We must now turn to a description of Now Rouz, both contemporary and ancient.

The Celebration and Traditions of Now Rouz
Now Rouz (or Norooz) is the traditional celebration of the New Year heralded by the Spring equinox. (In the southern hemisphere, the timing and seasons make it the Autumn equinox. Just for the record, Now Rouz in 2007 will occur in Melbourne, Australia at exactly 10:07am on March 21st, courtesy of the Melbourne Planetarium).

In Iran, Now Rouz is a celebration of joy and family gathering. Though it is tempting to see it as a single day celebration, it is in reality a 13 to 20 day event of preparing for the new year, divining the prospects for the future and cleaning away old problems. In contemporary society, these events include:
• Khaneh Tikani _ literally shaking the house clean or what we would call a spring cleaning. This is a time for shaking off the winter blues, for welcoming the summer and preparing for the new year's festivities.
• Chahar Shanbeh Souri _ on the eve of the last wednesday of the passing year, seven brush fires are lit and people jump over the flames often saying "Sorkhi-e to az man, Zardi-e man az to" loosely translated as "Your fiery-red to me and my sickly yellow to you". It is traditional to serve a bean and noodle soup (Ash-e Chahar Shanbeh Souri) on this day.
• Shab-e Jome _ A big feast of chicken and rice is served the next day, Thursday after Chahar Shanbeh Souri, and this ritual assures one of a similar meal during the next year. (Clearly from a time when chicken was more of a treat). This day is also known as Rouz-e Barat or "Day of the Dead" when alms and gifts are distributed at the cemetery.
• Sa'at-e Tahvil _ the time of New Year itself, not midnight, is celebrated as a moment of forgiveness, a time for building positive relationships and exchanging Now Rouz greetings "Sal-e No Mobarak". If you are lucky Haji Firouz wearing a red suit will regale you with funny tales while Amoo Norouz will distribute presents. A dish traditionally served on this day is Kuku-ye Sabzi (Batmanglij, 2006 pp:120)
• Deed o-Bazdeed _ for the next 12 days, it's time to visit all the relatives starting with the eldest grandparents and moving progessively across the extended family from closest kin to more distant kin.
• Sizdah Bedar _ on the 13th day of the New Year it is traditional and considered lucky to celebrate on a picnic outside the home. It is, just like Chahar Shanbeh Souri, considered the right time to wish for what you want and need from life.
In addition to the events there are a number of important ceremonies that are observed:
• Sofreh Haft Sin _ The seven items strating with the letter "s" each represent a different wish for the New Year: sib (apples - health and beauty), sekkeh (coins 0 wealth and prosperity), seer (garlic - health and digestion), serkeh (vinegar - age and patience), sabzi (greens - growth and renewal), samanu (wheat pudding - sweetness and fertility), somak (a spice - sunrise and conquering evil) and senjed (lotus fruit - love and passion). The Sofreh Haft Sin is prpepared two days before Now Rouz and is put away after Sizdah Bedar.
• Growing Sabzi _ The tradition is for wheat grains to be germinated from about two weeks before Now Rouz, usually by the women. This had a practical significance in that it suggested how well the crops would fare in the coming season. (Clearly of significance in agricultural communities).
• Tokhmeh Morgh _ Hard-boiled aggs are prepared the day before and coloured either red, yellow or green (favoured colours of Zoroastrians and of course almost the colours of the Iranian flag). Tradition varies as to when they should be eaten but some are on the morning of Now Rouz by the head of the household.
The traditions for Now Rouz do vary in parts of Iran, especially for Sofreh Haft Sin.

One of my favourite variations appears unexpectedly in an anecdote by Paul Kriwaczek (2003, pp.13) as told to him by a schoolteacher in Zazd. Before Islam, Now Rouz was celebrated with a Sofreh Haft Shin. Notice the difference between Haft Shin and Haft Sin. The seven items were sharab (wine - celebration), shir (milk - nourishment), sharbat (sherbet - enjoyment), shamshir (sword - security), shemshad (box - wealth), sham (candle - illumination) and shahdaneh (hemp seed - enlightenment). What a wonderful collection of items, each of which can probably be traced to pre-Zoroastrian times.

The timing of Now Rouz and the symbols are very reminiscent of the traditions and timing of Greek Orthodox Easter. [This has a special meaning for me as my first name (Lambros) is derived from the Greek word for Easter (Lambri) though the term used for Easter is Pascha (hence the Italian first name of Pasquale).] Easter is a time of "anagenisis" or resurrection in the Greek Orthodox Tradition. In fact, many argue that Easter is a more important event in the Orthodox tradition than Christmas Day.

The traditions of Pascha need to be observed to be understood. Just before midnight, the church is planged into darkness and a single solitary candle flame is brought forth from the altar. This flame then spreads from person to person, a ripple of flame and light extinguishing the darkness. People the say to each other "Christos Anesti" meaning Christ has Arisen and the response is "Alithos Anesti" meaning Truly he has been Resurrected.

The tradition of Easter eggs is also quite important. Hard boiled eggs are usually dyed red. Now this is the fun part! Surkh is a Persian word meaning red coloured (see meaning of Soorki in wikipedia reference - English words of Persian origin). Surkh is sometimes used as one of the Sofreh Haft Sin (Kriwaczek, 2006 pp: 198). The tradition is for two people to try to crack each other's egg, the one with an intact egg having the greater fortune! Dare I say that our traditional Easter Sunday meal was ..... chicken with rice.

When exactly is the Orthodox Easter Sunday (i.e. the date of Resurrection)? Well, the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America states "According to the ruling of the First Ecumenical Synod in 325, Easter Sunday should fall on the Sunday following the first full moon after the vernal equinox". (See http://www.goarch.org reference) Yep, that means it is connected to Now Rouz but in a way that one adjusts for the inaccuracies of the Julian calendar. Why the Sunday following the full moon? Because the reverend fathers did not want it to fall on the same day as the Jewish Passover. What a wonderful statement that makes!

Summary and Concluding Thoughts
We have come a long way from the initiual discussion about the destruction of Persepolis and the connection to the celebration of Now Rouz by the Persian Kings, especially Darius I and Xerxes. This all forms a wonderful backdrop for us, as the implications are enormous.

Just feeding the army of Alexander over the five months from January through May, without the usual gifts and collection of provisions from across the Persian satrapies, would have denuded the countryside of food. Simple logistics suggests this would have placed great hardship on the population of the Persian satrapy. Not only were they without the glory of the traditional Now Rouz celebration, the priests had been scattered if not killed and their food supplies for New Year were given to barbarians to feast on in the ghostly city of Persepolis. Ahura Mazda would not have been pleased!

One wonders if Alexander was truly missing the counsel of Sisygambis at such a critical time in his journey from Greek Conqueror to Regent of the Greaco-Persian Empire? One also wonders if the saying is not true "Be careful of what you wish for; It may come true!"




Bibliography

Batmanglij, Najmieh (co-authors Davis, Dick and Owens, Burke) "From Persia to Napa - Wine at the Persian Table" Mage Books 2006

Ferdowsi, Abolqasem "Shahnameh - The Persian Book of Kings" Translated by Dick Davis, Viking Adult 2006

Fox, Robin Lane "Alexander the Great" Penguin Books - reissued with updates 2004

Herodotus "The Histories" Penguin Classics reprint edition 1996

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iranian_Calendar

http://www.goarch.org/en/ourfaith/articles/article7070.asp

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_English_words_of_Persian_origin

Kriwaczek, Paul "In Search of Zarathustra - The First Prophet and the Ideas that Changed the World" Phoenix - Orion Books 2003

Quintus Curtius Rufus "The History of Alexander" Penguin Classics Reprint 2004

Saturday, January 06, 2007

Novel Questions

Pathways explored
Over the past few weeks my quest to explore the relationship between Sisygambis and Iskander has progressed down two pathways, each interesting and unexpected in different ways.

A small digression first. It must be remembered that most of our historical records about Alexander the Great have been written from the Greek point of view and rarely have survived from the Persian point of view. It is a historical truism that history is written and re-written by the victorious sides in any form of conflict, whether it be military, economic, political or technological conflict. The Greek accounts that have survived all must be seen as "tainted" in this respect. Their portrayal of royal women in Persia can be seen to have been coloured by the ideological position of Greeks vesus Persians on the role of women (in the upper classes of society)in addition to failures of collective memory when different historical records of the same event are compared.

The first pathway was to understand the economic role of women in the Persian royal households. The traditional view one has is a particularly nefarious one; a brood of royal mares fighting within the confines of a royal harem to gain the favour of the king and become the mother of the annointed successor. There is, however, a movement within historical studies to shed the confines of classical thought and reveal a more complex picture of women in society. I am indeed indebted to Elizabeth Carney (1996) for revealing a new and intriguing picture of the relationship between "Alexander and Persian Women". I must say that my respect for her insight has increased as I have read and thought about the original material (in English translations of course).

The theme of Carney's work is that Alexander had a complex and difficult task in managing his role with the Persian royal and satrapal women. The royal women were captives in one sense, the relationship with Stateira (wife of Darius III) is at best unclear,and they were ultimately also his links to establishing his legitimacy with royal Persian lineage through marriage. The satrapal women (Barsine and Roxanne) were the only two women known to have borne children from Alexander yet their roles as non-royals was unclear. It must have been a very subtle play to keep both the greeks and the Persians happy with his treatment of these women.

(By the way, if you are interested in reading more about royal women in the Macedonian royal court, I must commend Elizabeth Carney's works on women and monarchy in Macedonia (2000) as well as her most fascinating biography of Olympias (2006) not only as mother of Alexander the Great but also as a political woman with pan-hellenic influence even after his death.)

The importance of the Kings' wife and mother in the daily life of the Persian royal court is emphasised in the studies of Maria Brosius (1996, 2006). That royal women were responsible for the welfare and safety of the royal family should come as no surprise to readers. However, this is the most telling line for me:
"As owners of large estates, orchards and centres of manufacture for which they employed their own workforces, royal women enjoyed considerable economic independence" (Brosius, 2006 pp.43) To put this in context; the royal women were typically members of the ruling families that supported the Persian King, were able to dine with the king and thereby were able to discuss and influence decisions, and through their ability to travel and economic independence were able to provide invaluable information to the King.

The picture of royal women as chattels is questionable given the other roles and responsibilities that modern scholarship has uncovered through historical sources. More likely, these women could have been partners and allies in the best sense of these meanings but also had the potential to become enemies and subversive elements at times. One can imagine the thoughts of Greek merceneries who not only saw the great wealth of the Persian nation but also that some significant portions were held by women!

This raises some very interesting questions for the proposed novel. What was the economic position of Sisygambis? Did she own estates in various parts of the Persian empire? Where specifically were they? (One must suppose that some landholdings existed in the traditional areas of her family but there may have been others in other parts of the empire). To what extent were these passed from mother to daughter and what was the mechanism for doing so? Details they may be but important ones for understanding and recreating their daily life and concerns.

If they did own these landholdings and manufacturing centres, how were they managed when the king's wife and mother accompanied him into battle (as appears to have been the custom)? Was this a custom to protect the women or to ensure their loyalty during the times of battle. Were their fortunes tied so closely to that of the king? Were they expected to be killed if the king lost the battle or to be used as hostages? None of these trivial matters are evident in my readings to date.

The second pathway started with a question posed in the earlier blog; what was the role of the royal women in the religious affairs of the state? In particular, given the reputed role of Olympias as a religious celebrant, is it not possible that Sisygambis played a similar role in the Persian Empire?

Thankfully in the course of the past three weeks I have discovered some wonderful insights into this question. The more concise source is Maria Brasius (2006). When Darius I captured the throne (in 522BC) he proclaimed that his rule was achieved with the support of Ahuramazda, "The Wise One" (Brasius, 2006 p.16). Darius I was the representative of Ahuramazda on earth. The Zoroastrian religion (i.e. the religion based upon the teachings of the prophet Zoroaster) is one characterised by the dualism between good and evil, between Ahuramazda (the God of goodness) and Ahriman (the God of evil). Zoroastranism was the principal religion of the ruling class (both the royal family and the satraps) certainly from the time of Darius I (Brazius, 2006 pp: 68-69).

It is noteworthy that when Darius I built Persepolis to signify his victory it became the centre of the Zoroastrian religion with its own temple. When Alexander the Great burned Persepolis he actually destroyed the Great Temple of Ahuramazda. It is believed that most of the sacred Zoroastrian sacred texts were burnt in that fire thereby earning Alexander the title of Iskander the Destroyer. What a powerful image this must have created in the minds of those who believed in the forces of good and evil; those who destroyed the sacred temple of Ahuramazda must logically be the followers of Ahriman!(It should also be noted that it would be politically and religiously hazardous to suggest in modern day Iran that destruction of the sacred texts may have been more easily accomplished at the time of the conversion of the Persian nation to Islam in the mid 600's AD. There is evidence of book burnings at the time as some believe no book otherthan the Quran is needed.)

[As an aside, I also noted what may be a linguistic coincidence but something that I want to follow. Acting under the divine guidance of Ahuramazda, the King was supposed to act correctly in moral terms between the forces of good (OP arta) and evil (OP drauga). What has struck me is that in the Greek Orthodox religion, the host or bread symbolising the body of Christ and offered at communion is called artos]

The search for more information on Zoroastrianism has led me on a merry journey. By pure chance (is that ever possible really) I had purchased and lightly read Gore Vidal's (1981)epic novel "Creation" a few months ago, a novel that used the fictional character of Cyrus Spitama, grandson of the Prophet Zoroaster, to explore Zoroastranism at the time of Darius I. Just a few days ago, I also stumbled across a historical journey backwards from today to peel back layers of understanding of Zoroastrianism in the distant past (Kriwaczek, 2002). The book entitled "In Search of Zarathustra" is a wonderful explanation of how Zoroastrianism has developed and morphed over time with some extraordinary and surprising events taking place. More on this extraordinary book when I have finished reading it.

The closest we get to Zoroastrianism today is the living group of Parsees who live mainly in the Indian state of Gujarat. They are the descendants of the Zoroastrians who fled Persia when the Islamic Arab forces conquered the country between 636 and 651 AD. The fortunes of the Parsees rapidly improved when the British East India Company established operations in Bombay certainly by late 1686 AD (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parsi). From my knowledge of Indian business groups, I know that the Tata family and other prominent industrialist families are Parsees. What I did not know is that Zubin Mehta (orchestral conductor) and Freddy Mercury (lead singer in rock band Queen) are also Parsee!

Back to the question of Sisygambis and her links to Zoroastrianism; what do we know? It appears that she must have been actively a follower as a member of the royal family but there is no indication so far on whether the royal family was personally involved in the rites or whether this was the job of some priestly class (which is more likely the case)? A fascinating journey that still has a way to go.

Exploring Alexander's motivations
During the course of this background research on the novel, a number of questions about Alexander the Great have begun to trouble me.

The problem is that most contemporary discussions of Alexander the Great have focussed on the man, his leadership style and military exploits! It is interesting to read of the key battles, to analyse the strategic choices made prior to combat and the tactical decision making during the battle. More than most people (as a person trained in business strategy) I revel in understanding the role of battle hardened veterans, innovation in military formations (the phalanx), feints and traps as tactical weapons in addition to focus, mass and force all in the context of exploiting the geographical features of the battlefield. I despair at the lack of understanding the political motives and economic imperatives driving the land based armies!

However, what is missing is the more complex notion of competing political alliances and institutional aspects of the struggle for leadership and acendancy. We have such a simple understanding of Alexander the Great's battles. Too often they are portrayed as the battle between the Greek and the Persian ways of life. In it's most simplistic form this is the battle between the Greek nation states (implied in this is the notion of democracy though neither Sparta nor Macedonia could have been called democracies, even in the Athenian sense) and the Persian empire (a heterogeneous collective of states ruled from the centre). [As an aside, I just thought how the Star Wars films were very much in the same vein].

However, it is instructive to think about the different explanations of the Cuban Missile Crisis (Allison, 1971) to present a clearer picture. Graham Allison's study of the Cuban Missile Crisis showed how equally valid and interesting explanations could be written from very different perspectives: one from the viewpoints of two superpowers (the US and USSR), one from the viewpoint of different government agencies within the US government (such as the State Department, Attorney General's, and the various branches of the Pentagon, even the CIA), and finally one looking at the individuals involved in the decision-making (President John F. Kennedy, Robert Kennedy, Dean Rusk and Robert McNamara).

What is missing from our contemporary understanding is the middle level of interpretation, the battles between the various factional groups of Persians and the battles within the Greek (not simply Macedonian) factions. It's fair to say that these would be coalitions of interests capable of moving through shifting alliances at different times of Alexander's leadership and rule. On both the Greek and the Persian side, one can suspect the motives and interests of different factional groups. The marriage of the Greek leadership to the Persian noblewomen can be seen as an attempt to forge a political alliance between Greek and Persian interests. What this meant for the economic interests can only be imagined! I cannot imagine a person like Alexander the Great choosing these marriage alliances without a notional understanding of the political and economic consequences.

Though this is a theme introduced in the earlier blog, I have been thinking a lot about what may have motivated Alexander to begin the transition from being the leader of a Greek army using revenge and a sense of destiny to drive deep into the heart of the Persian Empire. With the destruction of Persepolis, however, that mission was well and truly accomplished. The amount of treasure removed from Persepolis and sent back to Macedonia was reuted to be very large. Why did Alexander choose to continue to drive through the eastern frontiers of the Persian Empire?

One idea advanced by some is that Alexander sought to plant the seeds of Greek culture into the Persian landscape. He created cities along the way and some of these remain to this day. The Seleucid Dynasty founded by the successors to Alexander was relatively shortlived over a period of 100 years though the Greaco-Bactrian empire in modern day Afghanistan continued for another 100 years (Brosius, 2006 p.81). I suspect it is more likely these Greek cities (many of them called Alexandria) were more likely ways of enabling Alexander to settle groups of Greek soldiers who were happy not to return to their homeland and allowed him to establish a pseudo-military presence in the conquered satrapies.

Why did Alexander not return to Macedonia? Why was he prepared to live in Persia and what were his thoughts about establishing a legitimate succession plan? The coincidence that haunts me is the relationship between Barsine (the royal consort in some ways) becoming pregnant with child and what seems to be a sudden decision to marry Roxanne (the daughter of a Bactrian satrap). Both would not have been considered suitable wives in terms of being the Queen in the Persian manner of arranging marriages.

In addition, there is the decision to train the Persian youth in the Greek manner of fighting. These were established before Alexander's Bactrian campaign and little is known how this was done. Yet, when he needed them, after the apparent rebellion in the Indian campaign and following that journey through south-eastern Iran, he was able to release the Greek Macedonian soldiers and replace them with Persian troops. They may not have been battle-hardened troops and he still needed to win their personal loyalty but they were a viable substitute. They were never really put to the test though!

The interesting question is one of replacement of the retiring Macedonian troops. Many of his troops were relatively old men and had fought alongside Alexander for many years, despite his own youth. If Macedonia was unable, or possibly unwilling, to supply the troops he needed what was he supposed to do? Alexander had worked with his troops since he was a teenager. He had not returned to Macedonia since leaving on this campaign. Was that a flaw in his model of governance or were his hands full ensuring consolidation of military gains and reverting to a peacetime status? (If you think that's easy, just reflect on the US position in Iraq at present!)

Closing Greetings
Since the last blog, we have celebrated a number of special days. Of course I want to wish you all a Happy New Year (according to the Gregorian calendar I presume).

However, let's not forget that Iranians celebrate the winter solistice Shab-e Yalda, literally meaning re-birth of the sun. Unlike the Islamic Arabs, whose calendar is based upon the moon, the Persian calendar and celebrations was originally based upon the sun (as is the Western or European calendar ... I believe). Just one more little thing to add to the list of things to learn and remember. Whicg calendar was used at the time of Alexander?

For Christians, it is also useful to remember that the birth date of Jesus is more accurately in early January according to some sources. We celebrate Christmas Day just a few days after the winter solistice. Is this a mere coincidence? Is it a mere coincidence that the revered Magi who attended the birth of Jesus in Bethlehem may have actually been members of the class of Zoroastrian priests (Brasius, 2006 p.66)? Mithra was the god of light and part of the deity system of Zoroastrianism. Was the story of the Magi attending the birth of Jesus a homage from an older religion that symbolised the new prophet?

Cannot help thinking of the implications of Mithraism which was a significant force in the Roman Empire. One of the sacred rituals was the slaying of the bull and the fertlisation of the soil. Could this possibly be the origins of bull fights in Spain? Are there similar rituals in Ancient Persia? Where did the Hindu rituals of not killing bulls spring from? Too much for one day.

As dawn breaks over the sky and the sun conquers darkness where I live, I bid you adieu!


Bibliography:

Allison, Graham T. "Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis" Little, Brown & Co. 1971

Brosius, Maria "The Persians: An Introduction" Peoples of the Ancient World series, Routledge 2006

Brosius, Maria "Women in Ancient Persia" Oxford Classical Monographs, Clarendon Press 1996 (reprinted 2002)

Carney, Elizabeth "Olympias: Mother of Alexander the Great" Women of the Ancient World series, Routledge 2006

Carney, Elizabeth "Alexander and Persian Women" American Journal of Philology Vol 117 No 4 1996 pp:563-583

Carney, Elizabeth "Women and Monarchy in Macedonia" University of Oklahoma Press 2000

Kriwaczek, Paul "In Search of Zarathustra: The First Prophet and Ideas that changed the World" Phoenix - an Orion Books imprint, 2003

Vidal, Gore "Creation: A Novel" Random House 1981 (republished Vintage International in a restored edition 2002)

Sunday, December 03, 2006

Iskander and Sisygambis - An idea for a historical novel

Iskander and Sisygambis

Introduction

This is the untold story of Iskander of Macedon (Alexander the Great)and Sisygambis, Queen Mother of Darius the III. In what has to be one of the most intriguing of historical references, Sisygambis is mentioned very few times in the historical records of Alexander the Great but what an impression she makes.

Sisygambis the Queen Mother of Darius III makes her first appearance after the defeat of Darius III at the battle of Issus in 333BC. In "The History of Alaxander" by (Quintus Curtius Rufus,3-12-1 to 24) we are first acquainted with Queen Mother Sisygambis when she mistook Hephaestion (Alexander's closest childhood friend) as the feared Iskander and then asked for forgiveness from Alexander when it was pointed out. From the very beginning it appears that Alexander treated Sisygambis with the greatest respect, according her the status of a lady and the respect for a queen mother.(See also Plutarch, 7-21).

Remarkable as that may be, the most striking image is that of Sisygambis dressed in the clothes of mourning upon hearing of the death of Alexander and starving herself to death within five days. The image of an elderly woman who had survived the defeat and death of her son Darius III then facing a blank wall and willing herself to die upon the death of Alexander the Great is one that incredibly etches itself upon the canvas of the imagination (Quintus Curtius Rufus,10-5-17 to 23).

In between these two events, a decade had passed. Iskander matured from a military man of twenty three years of age to a King and Emperor of thirty three years of age. He had transformed from a Macedonian Greek King to the ruler of the known classical world between Greece and Egypt on the western frontiers to Afghanistan and India on the eastern frontiers. To the south lay the Indian Ocean and to the north lay the Caspian Sea. The bulk of the original Macedonian warriors had been released from their duties and sent back to their homeland. In their place was an army of persian youth schooled in the manner of Greek military principles. More importantly, Alexander had in place the structures for managing the Empire with him as the King and Emperor. He had in fact left behind the notion of being a Greek King and created a new role as Emperor of the Graeco Persian empire.

If only he had lived, what would we now think of Alexander the Great. Instead of a youth with curly hair, stories of his horse Bucephalus, the story of the Gordian Knot and the military triumphs would we have had stories of a King and Emperor who reconciled the centralised might of the Persian Empire with the democratic impulses of the Greek nation states? Would we have have reconciled the battle between East and West that echoes even today in contemporary history?

In my view, all that does not matter. What matters is that we have enough evidence that such a transformation was taking place and, given that it was taking place, we must ask ourselves how Alexander the Great was being transformed into Iskander the Graeco Persian Emperor? In the transformation, most importantly, we must ask who was providing him with the advice into the mind and power politics of the Persian elite that allowed him to form the alliances transforming him from conqueror from ruler.

Much has been written of Olympias the Queen Mother, one of the many wives of Phillip of Macedon and reputed father of Alexander of Macdeon (Carney, 2006). Though many stories have been told and re-told of the parentage of Alexander, all the historical evidence points to the fact that Alexander maintained a strong relationaship and loyalty to his mother after the death of his father. Does it matter whether Alexander was truly the son of Philip of Macedon, the offspring of a snake that penetrated his mother and resulted in his conception, or even the son of another hero? Perhaps it may help explain the psychology of what drove Alexander to seek greater glory and fortune.

More interesting however is the tantalising evidence of great respect and communication between Sisygambis and Alexander, the type of relationship that characterises one between mother and son without the Freudian angles or the Oedipus complex. Was there in fact a relationship of trust and support between Alexander and Sisygambis? Was the death of Alexander such a blow that Sisygambis knew her death was imminent irrespective? Did Sisygambis play a significant role in advising Alexander of the politics between the royal families and their systems of patronage in support in the Persian Empire? Was she the person advising him on the importance of building alliances through marriage, alliances that in a sense transformed Alexander of Macedon into Iskander the Emperor?

The hypothesis of this book is quite simply that Alexander of Macedon built a relationshop of trust and advice with Sisygambis Queen Mother of Darius III, a relationship akin to that between a son and mother but unlike the one between Alexander and Olympias Queen Mother and wife of Philip of Macedon. There is no historical evidence that this was in fact the case. In fact, it would be very unusual if such evidence was there and so contrary to the norms of what was written about the lives of great men at the time that we would inevitably treat it with suspicion. (Nevertheless, there is evidence that women in Ancient Persia played a more significant role in the royal courts and everyday life than is apparent in Classical Greece (Brosius, 1996). On the basis of plausibility and as a means of explaining how Alexander achieved such a great transformation, we must yet pursue such a thought.

The Greatness of Alexander in historical terms has always been portrayed in terms of his military prowess and exploits. There are a number of wonderful texts and books that detail the military strategy of Alexander in the battlefield (Fuller, 2004 reprint). Yet, surely the Greatness of Alexander is in the Empire that he managed to hold together that is unparalleled even today across the Middle East.For over a decade he managed to put into place a structure of governance and institution building that may have fragmented on his death but nevertheless survived for a number of centuries afterwards. A remarkable achievement!

So, the central tenet of this idea for a historical novel is the relationship between Sisygambis and Iskander, told from the viewpoint of Sisygambis. It is the story of how the Persian Empire accepted its defeat at the hands of Alexander and remarkably transformed a Greek conqueror into a Persian ruler. It is the story that Greek historians across the centuries have never been able to grasp or possibly accept because it would make Alexander the Great more than a Greek hero but a complex military and political ruler of an Empire even the Greeks were unable to create in later years.


Plot and Content

The Plot of any novel is simply the storyline used to tie together the people, places, events and perspective (being the four elements of the content) of the situation one is writing about.

The Plot in this instance starts at a time when Alexander of Macedon has achieved the first significant defeat of the Persian Empire within the borders of the Empire itself, in 333 BC at the battle of Issus. This was not the first time the Persian Empire had been defeated (Green, 1998; Bradford, 2004) as the heroic stand of the Spartans at Thermopylae in 480BC will attest. The retreat of the ten thousand Greek mercenaries from the heart of the Persian empire after the death of their patron Cyrus (Xenophon, 1950) also suggests there were weaknesses in the military capability of the Persian Empire prior to Alexander's incursion and excursion.

The Battle of Issus marks the time when Alexander of Macedon truly began to mature as a military warrior and also marks the time when he captured the women of the Persian Royal family. It is the time when he matured as a military leader and shows quite clearly his ability to see military exploits as more than ends in themselves but as part of a political strategy as well.

This then is the story of the evolving relationship between Alexander of Macedon and Sisygambis Queen Mother of Darius III. Starting as a captive and in a sense a hostage, Sisygambis must be seen as forging a relationship with Alexander in the beginning but a relationship that cannot reach it's potential until Darius III is killed by his own men in 330 BC. It is also important to understand that Stateira, wife of Darius III, died in 331 BC in circumstances suggesting some controversy.

It may well be that the burning of Persepolis in 330BC marks the turning point in the relationship, when Alexander of Macedon becomes Iskander the Destroyer in the eyes of the Persian population and must transcend that political disaster. That's when I postulate a significant shift in relationships between Alexander the Greek to becoming Alexander the Great. It marks the time when Alexander recognises that his future lies in capturing the remainder of the Persian Empire rather than simply leaving after avenging the burning of Athens.

From this point on Alexander begins his transformation from a Greek conqueror to a Persian Emperor. There is a subtle but increasingly important shift that commences here, and this probably should be seen as the time when Sisygambis moves from building trust to advising her newly acquired "son" into the subtleties and complexities of becoming a Persian Emperor.

There are a number of events that mark the ebb and flow of a relationship. Surely Sisygambis would have been horrified at the marriage of Alexander to Roxanne and that would have marked a shift in her strategy as well. The return of Alexander to Babylon after the India campaigns would have been the point when she worked hard to consolidate his power and yet, at the very point of achieving success, Iskander was either poisoned or died a natural death. Either way, her patron was dead and her plans were undone.

There lies the essence of the plot or the storyline. In between, we should see Sisygambis not merely as a Queen Mother but also as a person in her own right, probably with landholdings of her own and with a strong understanding of the religion and politics of state. The burning of Persepolis was a disaster for Zoroastrians, as it has been suggested their holy texts were burnt at the time and the enmity against Alexander endures to this day. Unlike Olympias, who is always portrayed as having a strong religious affiliation, perhaps we need to invest Sisygambis with a sense of religion derived from her position in Persian society.

Now we need to move to the four elements of content, namely people, places, events and perspective.

People -
As this is the story of Sisygambis and Iskander, they must become the main characters. It is likely that the two protagonists here are treated differently in the story as will be revealed in the Perspective.

Beyond this, there is a major cast of characters that need to be developed for the story. Lurking always in the background is Olympias, mother of Alexander. However, she will never appear as a physical entity but always as a shaping influence "back home". We will need at some stage to explore the relationship between Alexander and his sister Cleopatra as this will help explain different attitudes between women in Greece and in the Persian court.

There must be room for Hephaestion, often portrayed simply as Alexander's boyhood friend and also male lover. Somewhat unfairly, this tends to overlook his military capability and diplomatic skills. If boyhood friendship is fairly or unfairly portrayed as homosexual love, then Hephaestion plays an even more significant role in the story of Iskander. That Hephaestion died in similarly mysterious circumstances to Alexander some eight months beforehand is part of the story. that he was married to the Drypteis, the daughter of Darius III, at the request of Alxander is another reason for giving him more than a walk-on role in the story.

In 327BC Alexander married Roxanne, the daughter of one of the rebel chiefs in modern day Afghanistan. As she had the only legitimate son of Alexander and was officially the first wife of Alexander, she plays an important role. That she apparently had a hand in the murder of Stateira (daughter of Darius III) who became a wife of Alexander in 324BC, makes her story also important.

There is one more woman who must be brought forward from the shadows of history because she also appears to play a role well understood in the ancient world but possibly missed in contemporary Western society. Barsine, daughter of the respected satrap Artabazus and some ten years older than Alexander, had lived in the royal court of King Phillip at a time when her father had sought refuge there. She spoke both Persian and Greek fluently. For five years, between 333BC and 328BC she was the bilingual mistress of Alexander and was known to be pregnant with child, a son Heracles, when Alexander married Roxanne.

Having spoken first of the women should not be interpreted as saying the women are more important than the men. The intention is to show that women certainly influenced his decision making.

The cast of characters for the males is certainly larger. Beyond Hephaestion lies a significant network of male characters, each having more than a single role to play in the story of Alexander the Great.

That Alexander was a leader of men with a direct line of communication with the men in his army is unlikely to be challenged. That would certainly have been the case in the early years of his campaign through the western provinces of the Persian Empire. The historical records suggest a series of concentric networks, the seven Bodyguards composed of the most trustworthy (Leonnatus, Lysimachus, Pithon) and the Companions (Laomedon) who formed the elite cavalry and backbone of many field military campaigns. Then there are individuals such as Ptolemy, Craterus and Perdiccas who figure prominently in the records.

Beyond the Greeks (or should I say Macedon Hellenes) there were Persians such as Artabazus and Oxathres who achieved positions of trust and honour both in the military and administrative aspects of managing Alexander's Empire. There are many others who need to be identified in this position, Persians who formed the backbone of the new reality emerging as a consequence of Alexander's conquests of various parts of the Persian Empire.


Places -
The story needs to revolve around a select group of places, often cities but also locations of battlefields, that create a sense of identity and geography.

Issus must be considered a critical starting point as it has become the place where Alexander of Macedon meets Sisygambis, Mother of Darius III. It is at this meeting where Alexander shows a combination of respect for the Queen Mother, diplomatic skill and the compassion that is often overlooked in the accounts that portray him as a bloodthirsty and cruel conqueror.

Between Issus in 333BC and Guagamela in 331BC (where Alexander defeated Darius III for the second and most decisive time) there are important military events, such as the siege of cities and the creation of new city centres (most notably Alexandria in Egypt). These were however city based campaigns. Issus and Gaugamela were military battles fought in the open plains. In addition, they represent a time when the royal women were captives and Darius III was still the ruler of the Persian Empire. After Guagamela the political and military landscape changed. With it we can hypothesize the relationship between Sisygambis and Alexander shifted to a new plane.

The battle at Gaugamela represents end of the western campaigns in the Persian Empire. From there, Alexander rapidly advanced to take the important cities of Babylon, Susa, Persepolis and Pasargardae in the heart of the Persian Empire. These cities were considered to be the administrative heart of the Empire but had considerable symbolic meaning as well. Almost immediately afterwards we have the death (murder) of Darius III in 330BC.

It took another three years for Alexander to capture and take control of the eastern provinces (satrapies) of the Persian Empire from the Caspian Sea through to modern day Afghanistan. The Rock of Sogdiana marks the climax of the eastern campaign and the change in status of Alexander. Here he married Raxanna, daughter of Oxyartes (Satrap of Bactria). Many of his friends had died in these campaigns and we can mark a change in the man known as Alexander the Great.

Then between 326BC and 323BC, Alexander conducts the Indian campaigns, faces the revolt of his seasoned troops and finally returns to Susa in the Spring of 324BC. The events in India seem like a blur and it is upon the return from this campaign that Alexander, in Pasargadae and Susa, takes the steps that indicate his need to establish continuity and integrate the Greek and Persian sides. At Pasargadae the tomb of Cyrus was restored. At Susa Alexander oversaw the marriage of his closest commanders to Persian women of noble birth.

In 323BC, Alexander dies in Babylon. With his death comes the unravelling of the Empire into individual territories. Alexander had not established an administrative and political structure to survive his death in a unified manner.


Events -
There are many events which can serve to illustrate and elaborate on the life of Alexander of Macedon. What is it that people remember generally about the life of Alexander? They tend to be things like Alexander taming Bucephalus in Macedon, Alexander leading the men into victory at Issus and Gaugamela, Alexander allowing Persepolis to burn in revenge for the burning of Athens, Alexander marrying Roxanne in Bactria, and finally the suspicious nature of his death in Babylon.

In this story, built around the hypothesized relationship between Alexander and Sisygambis, we can identify known events from the historical record and hypothesized events that add credibility and colour to the storyline.

The battle at Issus is the opening event, one where Alexander meets Sisygambis for the first time and one where one suspects Alexander's respect for Sisygambis as a Queen Mother is established. Something about her demeanour, her respect and dignity must have struck a chord with Alexander. Similarly, one suspects that the good humour with which Alexander covered up the well intentioned mistaken identity gaffe allowed Sisygambis to respect Alexander. Remember, Alexander had already sent in one of the companions, Leonnatus, to reassure Sisygambis that her son, Darius III was alive. From that point on, the Persian royal women were hostages. That they became protected hostages says a lot for Alexander and Sisygambis. Had Sisygambis treated Alexander with disrespect then we may have witnessed a different outcome. However, clearly something special special was established here.

It is also said that in the historical records that Sisygambis was annoyed that her son, Darius III, had retreated and left the royal women exposed to the mercy of the Greeks and Macedonians.

For the next two years, it is likely that Sisygambis and the Persian royal women travelled with Alexander as he moved through the coast of the Mediterranean through modern day Syria, Lebanon, the Holy Land and into Egypt. he destroyed the city of Tyre but also established the city of Alexandria in Egypt. They were hostages and as such offered a protective cover for Alexander's party. It is also known that Darius III offered his daughters in marriage to Alexander as a means of establishing political alliances and securing his borders. That Alexander refused such offers is well known. Why Darius III chose to allow Alexander to cut through the lands of the western provinces of the Persian Empire is not well established.

The battle at Gaugamela is another pivotal point in the developing relationship. If Sisygambis was to run away from Alexander, then she and the Persian royal women had the opportunity to do so when the Persian cavalry momentarily caputred the baggage camp. Instead it is said she sat there without changing expression or showing any desire to escape. The moment was lost but by then it is also true that Darius III, for the second time, had saved his own skin rather than die heroically in battle. It may also be that Sisygambis was unwilling to face her son as the King's wife, Stateira, reputed to be one of if not the most beautiful woman in Persia, had died mysteriously in childbirth. Was that a shame that she was unwilling to face up to or something else? We will never know but can provide our own conjectures.

The time between the battles at Issus and Gaugamela is one of the royal women being hostages, of being treated with respect but ones where one suspects the barriers of language slowly came down allowing mutual respect to be achieved. It is known that Alexander provided Greek tutors to the royal women. One could be cyinical and say this was done with the intention of keeping an eye on them and indeed that may be the case. However, one can also hypothesize that Alexander wanted to understand the nature of the political alliances supporting the kingship of Darius III and who better than Sisygambis the Queen Mother with her inside knowledge of the families and networks supporting the King.

The next big event has to be the burning of Persepolis. It is likely to have been a pivotal event for Alexander. Prior to entering Persepolis Alexander had taken the cities of Babylon and Susa. There he had been welcomed and captured a substantial portion of the Royal Treasury. Darius III no longer had access to the money needed to buy the mercenaries or shore up the political support he needed. It would all depend upon the strength of his connections, of their loyalty to him individually. That was not to be however and the taking of the royal cities and their palaces was a great turning point.

There are two aspects to taking over Persepolis. First the general looting that was allowed. The destruction was enormous and it is said in Persian history that sacred documents of the Zoroastrians were destroyed at the time. Perhaps that was inevitable. Less excusable and forgivable was the fire that destroyed the great hall of Xerxes, the Persian King who had sacked and burnt Athens one hundred years previously. The story of Thais, courtesan from Athens and companion to Ptolemy, daring Alexander to punish Persians for the sack of Greece during a banquet when the wine flowed freely is now well known. That Alexander allowed it to happen is part of the legacy that still allows modern day Persians to call him Iskander the Destroyer.

In this we can only hypothesize what may have happened between Alexander and Sisygambis. Remember that Persepolis was her home and she would have regretted the sacking of Persepolis but understood its necessity. She would have found the thought of burning the Hall of Xerxes unforgivable and politically unacceptable. One can imagine her berating Alexander as only an adopted mother can do, telling him of the vile behaviour that preceded this act of unmanly cowardice and of the political consequences of this act of revenge. At a time when he stood at the threshhold of power, of being the King of the Persian Empire, he had shown himself to be driven at best by revenge and at worst by the heady effects of wine women and song!

In the background we must also recognise the women who had become his mistress after the battle of Issus, Barsine. She was the daughter of Artabazus and had lived in the royal court at Macedon. She would have discussed the politics of the Persian Empire with Alexander as her father was a satrap and knew what was happening. That Artabazus had sought refuge at the royal court of Macedon when Phillip was King of Macedon established a prior connection and trust. What role she played in bringing Alexander to understand his new reality is unclear. However one can imagine and postulate Sisygambis and Barsine joining forces to show Alexander an alternative future for him as ruler of a the Persian Empire in contrast to simply being the sword and arm of revenge for the Greek city states of Athens and Sparta.

The killing of Darius III by his own courtiers is an event that seems almost inevitable as one reads the histories. It was not a matter of if he would be killed but of when and by whom as long as he chose not to surrender to Alexander. Perhaps the humiliation would have been too great. Perhaps it was never a possibility. Sisygambis would unlikely have shifted alliances at this time. her own son had abondoned her, not once but twice and she now considered him dead, certainly as a leader if not as a person.

The big event that must shape the story is the surprising marriage of Alexander to Roxanne, the daughter of Oxyartes. What a shock this must have been to Sisygambis, let alone to Barsine. This far Alexander had assiduously avoided marriage. He had not secured his right to the Persian historical lineages through marriage, as was commonly the case in the Persian Empire. (That he did later by the way). He had kept an older mistress and she was ready to bear her first child to him, a son as it turns out who was named Hercules after Alexander's hero. In a sense, Alexander's marriage to Roxanne is another turning point of significance in the transformation of Alexander of Macedon to Iskander the Persian King!

With this marriage Alexander not only secured a wife but just as importantly he secured the eastern parts of his Empire (in Bactria, known today as Afghanistan) by appointing Oxyartes as the satrap for the region. Just like Basine's father played an important role in the military and civil rule of the Persian Empire so we can see Oxyartes playing a similar role. With the marriage however, the ground rules of engagement with Alexander would have changed for Sisygambis. Now she could legitimately push for him to marry as a means of building the political alliances needed to hold the Empire together.

Yet, one more event is needed to that probably pushed Alexander down the pathway that Sisygambis would have been suggesting. That was the increasing reluctance of the original Macedonian warriors to fight with Alexander in the eastern provinces. They had achieved their goals. They wanted to return to their homes and families. Yet in doing so, they were inevitably forcing Alexander to consider his own fortunes and ambitions.

The troops had rebelled in India and forced the return of Alexander to Susa. The main event that however characterises the transformation of Alexander into Iskander is the marriage ceremony where Alexander took two new wives and arranged for all of his inner circle to marry Persian wives. This signalled a number of change: recognition that the future of the Persian Empire was now going to be in the hands of a joint Greek Persian elite, the release of the Macedonian veterans to return to their homeland and with it the introduction on 30,000 Persian troops schooled in the Greek way (Plutarch, 7-47; Fox, pp.421-422), and finally the replacement of Darius's satraps with trusted Greeks who had sufficiently adapted to take over command in the satrapies.

For Sisygambis this event must have been the culmination of many years of planning and discussion with Alexander. The royal women had been left behind in Susa to learn Greek and Greek customs (Fox, pp418) while Alexander had conducted the eastern campaigns in Bactria and India. She must have been pleased. Imagine, from being the hostage Queen Mother of Darius III she now had her grand-daughter installed as a legitimate wife of Alexander.

While it would be tempting to focus on events such as the death of Hephaestion in Hamadan, the building of a new expeditionary force in Babylon or on the mysterious feast in Babylon where it Alexander may have been poisoned, these are not events that add to the story of the relationship between Sisygambis and Iskander. Instead we must turn to the final image of Sisygambis being informed not only of the unexpected death of Alexander but also of the events immediately after. She may have realised that all was lost, that her protector and sponsor was now dead and that she would become an inevitable casualty. She may have heard about the death of her grand-daughter Stateira at the hands of Roxanne. She may have simply grieved at the loss of such a remarkable man. Whatever the cause, she must have thought of many things during the five days it took for her to starve and will herself to death while facing a wall.

Perspective -
The question of perspective must be faced squarely. We all read and interpret history with preconceived notions and ideas. For some, Alexander has been nothing more than a bloodthirsty and treacherous tyrant. he destroyed cities, he burnt Persepolis and he murdered his own soldiers when they disagreed or mocked him. For others, Alexander is the individual who built numerous new cities (Alexandrias all the way from Egypt in the west to Afghanistan in the east), helped spread the Greek civilisation not only within his borders but also in places as far away as Sri Lanka in the east and Spain in the west, and developed a new approach to managing empires. For some Alexander has been cast in the light of a regent who may have been homosexual or bisexual (Renault, 1988) and I would not be surprised to hear of Alexander's story being cast in the light of the Gods of Olympus toying with man. Surely somewhere in the psychology literature someone has portrayed Alexander as a person driven to overcome the ambivalence he feels about his father, Phillip of Macedon, and escaping the dominance of his mother, Queen Olympias.

Generally speaking one reads of Alexander the Great from the perspective of the Greek civilisation. He was a Greek who fought the might of the Persian Empire and one hundred years after Xerxes razed Athens achieved revenge at Persepolis. He was a man who united the Greeks to fight a common enemy and then proceeded to build a great Empire from the carcass of the Persian Empire. After the archeoligal discoveries at Vergina in 1977 there has been a resurgent interest in the achievements of Alexander of Macedon and how hellenism was carried as far as the Punjab in India.

The perspective I have is somewhat different from that of the traditional Hellene or philhellene. You may have guessed from my name or my handle that I am an Australian of Greek ethnic origin. What is not apparent is that I studied and worked in Iran during the 1970's. It was quite interesting to be studying in Iran when OPEC cartel raised prices significantly and the Shah of Iran was on the one hand suppressing political dissent and on the other fostering economic development. At the same time the Junta in Greece had just been thrown out by a revolt of the students at the Athens Polytechnic and mishandling of the Turkish situation in Cyprus.

My perspective is also different in that I have not been trained as a historian, as a military strategist or as an archeologist. There goes most of the written literature in the study of Alexander the Great. My background is in the study and practice of general management, leadership, compaptitive strategy and economic development strategies. For me, the military victories in the field are important but they are only part of the story.

My interest is in how Alexander the Macedon transformed over time into Iskander the Emperor, particularly how he became a person who started by leading a force from the Greek city states apparently seeking revenge and tranformed into the person who was beginning to takes the reigns of power of an Empire that spanned from Egypt in the west to the Punjab in the East. I am particularly interested in how he was changing his approach to managing the Empire. Originally, as he swept through the regions the pattern he seemed to follow was appointing the local (often Persian) satraps together with a Greek military leader to secure the satrapy. At the time of his death, he was instituting sweeping governance reforms with his military companions being married into the ruling families and then being appointed to positions of governance across the Empire.

As a military leader, Alexander the Great is unquestionably a person of stature in the history of the world that has been handed down to us. The focus on his military exploits however downplays his political and administrative skills. It is time we explored those aspects of his leadership in addition to the military aspects. It is time we understood or at least hypothesized how Alexander believed he could make the transition from leader of a military force to ruler of the Empire.

The legacy he left was unquestionable. Despite his death in Babylon, whether it was from natural causes or from poisoning, enough of his intention survived such that a hellenic legacy lingered for as long as five hundred years in some parts.

The perspective I am developing is that a large group of people assisted in this transformation of Alexander of Macedon into Iskander the Emperor. That Alexander was exposed to Persian culture in the royal court of Macedon is well known. His relationship with Barzine is well documented after her capture in Babylon. Where we go from documented evidence in the history books to hypothesis is in introducing Sisygambis, Queen Mother of Darius III as a force in his development. Not only is it hypothesised that Sisygambis was given the role of honoured Royal Mother but that in fact she played a role in educating Alexander about the economic, administrative and political governance of the Persian Empire as well as developing with him a pathway to achieving long-term survival as Emperor of the Empire. As a royal herself, the wife of an Emperor and the mother of another, she was well placed to provide that advice.

In taking this perspective, I'm not seeking to take a feminist perspective of history or seek to redress the inequities of historical reporting. Nor am I trying to downplay the achievements of Alexander the Great as a member of the Greek pantheon of heroes (despite the irony inherant in doing so). What I am trying to do is turn away from the clash of cultures approach to Greek and Persian history as an explanation of events and instead explore the commonalities of culture, family and politics that allowed Alexander to make the transition. There are strong indications he had no real interest in returning to Macedon.

In all of this, there are personal torments that I'd like to explore within Alexander. One would have to believe it would be easy to fall in the shadow of his parents, both King Phillip of Macedon and Queen Olympias. Yet, he managed to emerge from this process of childhood development not unscathed I believe but possibly tempered in such a way as to seek an alternative legacy that was uniquely his. Having rejected his father's approach to using marriage as a convenient form of political alliance building in the early years of his life he nevertheless turned to that in the last two years of his life. What were the processes of going through that and then accepting the changes? Then there is the case of his mother, Queen Olympias who may have unfairly been potrayed in history as a wild religious person. Surely she had a strong hold on her son and may have affected his relationships with other women. At what stage did Alexander step out of his mother's shadow and develop his own approach to women?

Finally, there is another aspect of his personal transformation and transformation of the Persian Empire that needs to be explored, that in some way haunts me in the readings. Alexander the Great was called Iskander the Destroyer by the Zoroastrian community. As he sought to establish his companions into positions of power, how did he manage the relationship with the dominant religious community in the heartland of Persia? How closely was Sisygambis connected to the symbols of Zorioastrian religion and could she have played a part in bridging the gap here. My research to date has not uncovered anything of significance here. One suspects that an exploration of the historical records of the Parsi community in India is needed to gain insight and glean historical facts.


Style
Every story is written in a particular style. The ancient epics appear to have been written as long poems. The Epic of Gilgamesh (George, 1999)is one of the earliest literary works that has survived and that appears to be dated anywhere between 1000BC (in Akkadian text) and 2100BC (in Sumerian text). Better known are The Odyssey and The Iliad believed to have been written by Homer between the eighth and seventh century BC (Fagles, 1996) both of which would have been well known to Alexander of Macedon. The Tale of Genji (Tyler, 2001), a portrait of court life in medieval Japan, is widely reputed to be the one of the earliest novels and is dated to the 11th Century AD. Plays were already an important tradition in literature when Alexander was being educated, with Greek playrights such as Sophocles and Euripides playing an important part in a classical education.

Originally my thoughts were to write this as a historical novel, specifically as historical fiction because there is so much we don't know about Sisygambis and much of the story is speculative at worst and hypothetical at best. However, as I began to write an outline of the period and especially given the sparsity of historical evidence, my thoughts moved to a non-traditional structure for the novel. Novels are typically written with characters interacting in specific settings at particular points in time. This works well in most circumstances. In this instance, we would have to in effect invent so much that the task became daunting. What we know of the daily life of royalty in Persia at the time is quite limited.

Instead I thought of concentrating on key events that critically shaped the relationship between Iskander and Sisygambis, allowing for some continuity in between. One of the problems is that Iskander was involved in many actions and activities at times when he was not physically in close contact with Sisygambis. This especially affects the period when Alexander was campaigning in the far east of the Empire as well as an earlier period when Alexander went into the desert in Egypt. It would be inconceivable that Sisygambis was always part of the baggage train that followed the army at all times.

The structure of the novel needs to be in four parts to reflect the historical reality and hypothesised stages of development of their relationship:
• Initially Sisygambis is a Hostage Queen and we would see the relationship of trust developing between her and Alexander on the foundation of the respect of a son for a mother. It is very much a transference of filial respect based upon Alexander's relationship with Olympias, his own mother. Between Issus and Gagaumela the relationship would become closer, initially on the basis of mutual respect and then as Alexander sought to discuss the offers from Darius III. One would expect that Barsine would initially be placed in a difficult role between the two parties, being bilingual Persian and Greek, but that she would in fact become a key intermediary between the two protagonists.
• From the capture of Babylon to the aftermath of the burning of Persepolis, I would expect an acceleration of the relationship almost to a stage of continual communication as Alexander sought advice from a number of parties. With the death of Stateira, wife of Darius III, Sisygambis would have been somewhat freer to pursue alternative political goals. (There is a difficult piece to interpret in the earlier phase as it is stated that Stateira died in childbirth. If it was not Alexander, then who with whom had Stateira formed a relationship. Most importantly had she actually died or possibly been murdered in order to remove the shame to the Royal family?) One could easily hypothesise that by the time Alexander had embarked on the campaign into the eastern parts of the Empire, the groundplans for his return had already been agreed upon with Sisygambis and the inner circle of advisors.
• While Alexander was re-capturing the parts of eastern Empire that were not loyal to him, Sisygambis was in Susa with the younger daughters of Darius III, her grand- daughters. It would not be unusual to believe that in addition she was playing her part in running her own private property or land owned by Darius III while acting as advisor to Alexander via other means. There is a historical record of letters between Alexander and Olympias his mother, as well as letters from other people across the conquered lands. In this phase while Alexander was away from the heart of the Empire, I am suggesting that the narrative is carried forward by a series of letters between the two, capturing major events and transitions as well as the mundane facts of everyday life for them.
• Finally we will have to deal with the return of Alexander to Susa and Babylon, the many aspects of deciding who would marry whom, arranging for the negotiations and discussions that would allow this to happen but still keep it a secret from those affected until all had been arranged, while at the same time re-shuffling the administration of the Empire. What role did Sisygambis play in consoling Alexander about the death of Hephaestion and how did she deal with Roxanne, now the legitimately married wife of Alexander while possibly nursing her own ambitions? This phase ends with Sisygambis willing herself to die by starvation after the death of Alexander. What a wonderful ending monologue this is going to be!

All of these will inevitably have Sisygambis as the strongest and most frequent voice. The story is told through her eyes, with all the bias and prejudice this may entail.

Concluding Comments
When I originally started thinking of writing this outline, I had no idea it would be so long. All we have nevertheless is a germ of an idea that has been fleshed out in terms of basic structural elements. I am humbled at the thought that I still need to write a precis for each of the sections of the book before actually going to the next stage of writing the book in detail.

On either side of me I can almost feel the presence of Sisygambis and Alexander smiling at the thought that, finally, someone may have grasped the essence of their relationship. It was not one they chose to broadcast widely. To have done so would have jeopardised the lives of the royal women captured at Issus. Keeping it all quiet and low key was essential to their long-term success. Though some will feel that defeat was snatched from the jaws of victory by the untimely death of Alexander, I suspect they would feel differently.



Bibliography:

Quintus Curtius Rufus "The History of Alexander" Translated by John Yardley, Penguin Classics 2004 printing

Arrian "The Campaigns of Alexander" Translated by Aubrey de Selincourt, Revised by J.R. Hamilton, Penguin Classics 1971 edition

Bradford, Ernle "Thermopylae: The Battle for the West" Da Capo Press, 2004

Briant, Pierre "From Cyrus to Alexander: A History of the Persian Empire" Eisenbrauns 2002

Brosius, Maria "Women in Ancient Persia (559-331 BC)" Oxford Classical Monographs, Clarendon Paperbacks 1996 (2002 Reprint)

Carney, Elizabeth "Olympias: Mother of Alexander the Great" Routledge Press 2006

Fagles, Robert "The Odyssey by Homer" and "The Iliad by Homer" Penguin Books, 1996

Fuller, J.C. "The Generalship of Alexander the Great" Da Capo Press Reprint edition 2004

George, Andrew "The Epic of Gilgamesh" Allen Lane The Penguin Press 1999

Green, Peter "The Greco-Persian Wars" University of California Press, 1998

Heckel, Waldemar "Who's Who in Age of Alexander the Great: A Prosopography of Alexander's Empire" Blackwell Publishing, 2006

Lane Fox, Robin "Alexander the Great" Penguin Books 1973 reissued in 2004

Phillips, Graham "Alexander the Great: Murder in Babylon" Virgin Books 2004

Plutarch "The Age of Alexander - Nine Greek Lives by Plutarch" Translated by Ian Scott-Kilvert Penguin Classics 1973

Time Life Books "A Soaring Spirit: Time Frame from 600 - 400BC" 1987

Tyler, Royall "The Tale of Genji by Murasaki Shikibu" Penguin Classics 2001

Xenophon "Anabasis - The Persian Expedition" Translated by Rex Warner, Penguin Classics 1950

Historical Fiction

Renault, Mary "The Persian Boy" Vintage Books, re-issue 1988